Holy Terror
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Democracy and IslamDemocracy asserts the right of the people to write the laws under which they shall live. Islamist dissenters reply that God has already pre-empted this ground: "[The 45-minute tape] warned of attacks against anyone taking part in the elections, saying that the concept of the people as 'the source of power' that should be obeyed was 'infidelity itself,' and death was the punishment for Muslim 'apostates.'...He [Zarqawi] said 'the big US lie called democracy' was un-Islamic and that several principles underpinning democracy -- majority rule, freedom of belief and the separation of state and religion -- flouted the tenets of Islam, whereby God, not the people, is the ultimate authority." (AFP, 'Zarqawi tape declares all-out war on Iraq vote,' Sunday January 23, 2005). Osama bin Laden concurs: "You are the nation who, rather than ruling by the Shariah of Allah in its Constitution and Laws, choose to invent your own laws as you will and desire...You flee from the embarrassing question posed to you: How is it possible for Allah the Almighty to create His creation, grant them power over all the creatures and land, grant them all the amenities of life, and then deny them that which they are most in need of: knowledge of the laws which govern their lives?" (bin Laden Letter, November 24, 2002). Since the Koran does not present a consecutive and well-ordered set of laws, but rather an ad hoc assemblage, sharia (Islamic law), in its details, is subject to endless dispute. Mohammed's improvisations left a jumble: Rape is a capital crime, but a successful prosecution requires four male witnesses to the act. Thus rape might as well be decriminalized. But the concept, for all its difficulties, remains the popular centerpiece of the Islamic fundamentalist agenda. The Muslim world broke free of European colonialism on the ground before leaving the West behind in the mind. Since the mid-twentieth century, pressure has been building for adoption of sharia in place of the secular law codes that are the legacy of Western influence. This genuinely popular movement has won electoral victories, notably in Algeria and Palestine, without being able to consolidate its gains. Leaders encompassing the political spectrum have felt the pressure and endeavored to co-opt this growing force. When Colonel Muammar Khadafi published his Little Green Book, critics complained that the only thing Islamic about the book was the cover color; since then he has 'got religion.' Another leftist, Saddam Hussein, was obliged to concede to this movement restricted liquor sales. Certain 'key allies in the war on terror' already groan under sharia, as oppressive a law code as has yet been devised, including Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. The 'moderate' Saudi royal family bestows upon its grateful subjects not only full sharia, but has also conceded to Osama bin Laden his principal demand, the withdrawal of American troops from sacred Saudi soil. Islamic fundamentalism does not seek to advance individual liberty or civil rights. For example, abandoning Islam is a capital crime under sharia. Thus protecting the "free exercise" of religion, as does the First Amendment, is incompatible with sharia. This flaw is inherent in the Muslim fundamentalist enterprise: because the self-styled prophet Mohammed was no champion of human rights, so neither are his faithful followers today. Another front is now opening to the triumph of Islamic fundamentalism: Iraq, where American firepower overthrew the prior secular leftist regime. Twice in two elections, Ayatollah al-Sistani's candidate slate gained power. President Bush cannot stop praising himself for this great triumph of "liberty." But Muslim fundamentalism does not seek to advance liberty. One must wonder what the American President who decriminalized 'water-boarding' understands "liberty" to mean; certainly his understanding differs from that of the Founding Fathers, who wrote into the Constitution a prohibition of cruel and unusual punishment. If Mr. Bush sought to subject the United States to an Islamic fundamentalist regime, the U.S. Constitution would stand in his way, prohibiting as it does any religious establishment. Tragically nothing stands in the way of his plunging foreigners into this darkness. |
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AppeasementDoes Al Qaeda-style terrorism work? It appears that it does; the Bush Administration has already met bin Laden's original demand, the withdrawal of American troops from 'sacred' Saudi Arabian soil:
The Israeli/Palestinian conflict turns up third on the list. Bin Laden's demand for the withdrawal of U.S. forces from Saudi Arabian soil has been met, abjectly and totally. On this, his central concern, the Bush administration's dealings with Mr. bin Laden have amounted to surrender. The terms under which American troops had served in that land had always been frankly astonishing. It is weakness which invites aggression; and what more craven display of ideological timidity than the willingness of Mr. Bush's father to compel American troops to serve where forbidden by law to practice the Christian faith? Our current President is naive in his faith that appeasing terrorists will lead to peace: When the Soviet Union was at its zenith of power, lesser socialist lights like Nasser rose in the Middle Eastern sky. Remnant leftist regimes still hang on grimly in places, though the withdrawing tide of history has left them high and dry. From the time of Ronald Reagan, U.S. policy in the region has been to court Muslim fundamentalists and fund them freely in their death struggle with the leftists. Muslim fundamentalists are reliably and sincerely anti-Communist; Mohammad was, after all, a merchant. They are unfortunately also resolutely antichristian. It is unclear why the nominal Christians who fashioned our policy of courting Saudi Arabia and its Muslim fundamentalist offspring failed to perceive this as any of their concern. 3,000 dead Americans bear mute testimony to the futility of this policy, even as Bush Jr. continues, on auto-pilot, to deal with Muslim fundamentalism by. . .stamping out those remnant leftist regimes with which the Muslim fundamentalists are locked in a death struggle. Projecting weakness is counter-productive; because weakness invites aggression. Yet who can forget Mr. Bush's 9/11 saga? Once story-time was over he commenced scampering about the country like a scared rabbit, ending up in a missile silo. Unlike the British Royal family who stoically remained at their stations throughout the Blitz, he got a case of happy feet. Signalling weakness in this way is dangerous. Historically nations at war have minimized their adversaries' achievements. Yet Mr. Bush magnifies al Qaeda's achievements, claiming the economic downturn then underway was in fact produced by the 9/11 attack. Mr. Bush wants it understood that al Qaeda as presently constituted has the capacity to cripple the U. S. economy. Why would a leader purportedly at war magnify the enemies' achievements? And why is it becoming apparent Mr. bin Laden will die of old age before he is apprehended by the U. S. government? One does not expect to hear politicians call attention to their failures, yet Mr. Bush perceives the unweakened and at-large status of al Qaeda as his ace in the hole: "I understand there are some in America who say well this can't be true — there are still people willing to attack," he said. "All I would ask them to do is listen to the words of Osama bin Laden and take them seriously. When he says he's going to hurt the American people again, or try to, he means it." (Bush, Visiting NSA, Defends Surveillance, By Nedra Pickler, Associated Press Writer, January 25, 2006, Fort Meade, MD). What on earth is going on here? Why does Mr. Bush, who has no responsibility more pressing than to bring Mr. bin Laden to justice, take every opportunity to remind the public that the murderer remains at large?: This is not the first unholy alliance between terrorists and the government they besiege. The overwhelming public revulsion at terrorist atrocities sparks the question, Why do they do it? Certainly not to win hearts and minds; if terrorism were a public relations tool, it would be the most counter-productive yet devised. But these groups do not aim at peace or persuasion; rather, their murderous acts are provocations intended to start war. Outside provocateurs are met by those on the inside: insiders report the Bush administration had long sought grounds for war with Iraq. Once upon a time the bombs blowing up in the public square were planted by socialists, not Islamists. Socialism was given a full and fair trial during the 20th century, and produced a depressingly uniform result: empty store shelves. Yet there was a time when this ideology appealed mightily, not to the workers for whom it claimed to speak, but to underemployed intellectuals. Like the Islamists who perceive a state of war already present, though invisible to all but themselves, the socialists perceived the state waging class warfare against the workers. Class warfare had little appeal to the public at large, but there were reactionaries only too happy to use the police power of the state to disadvantage working people. Socialist bomb-throwing was the very provocation they required for repressive measures. The broader public's desire for social peace was swamped by the twin extreme fringes' desire for war. Science moves forward by prediction rewarded. A theory which predicts what actually occurs is validated, once which predicts something different is disconfirmed. Likewise in the political realm: the lunatic fringe becomes mainstream when its dire predictions are realized. Who could have done anything but laugh when al Qaeda predicted the U.S. would invade an oil-rich Arab nation? Who's laughing now? Strictly speaking it is cheating if one engineers the outcome, yet al Qaeda's goals: dividing the Islamic world, vacating the broad middle ground, legitimizing extreme thinking,-- have been accomplished for them by an administration which wanted war every bit as much as they did. Mr. Bush substituted one enemy for another, with little fuss from watchdogs in the media and congress, and got 'his' war, in which he could show the world he was tougher than his dad, who quailed at going to Baghdad. Al Qaeda, too, got 'their' war: an outright foreign invasion, difficult to distinguish from the prior colonialist adventures to which that region had been subject, during which the beneficent mask they had long thought false was stripped from the face of the West. The Muslim community does not always and ever represent a threat to the peace of the world. History shows the Muslim world going to sleep for centuries on end. Eruptions of Muslim fanaticism burn themselves out, because once the equation is fixed in the public mind that Islam=death, new interpretations are found for the 'Strike off their heads' verses of the Koran. While professors of this faith may not understand justice, mercy, or good faith, what they do understand is defeat. When Mohammed met victory beyond expectation at Badr, he imagined the God of heaven smiled upon his bloody, tribal warrior ethic. When he met defeat at Ohod, he imagined instead that an inscrutable fate rules the world. When this monster awoke and struck the twin towers, it should have been batted down. The aggressors should have met defeat, not unrelated people "in the same part of the world." Yet this was not the war our "war President" wanted to fight. When the name proposed for our campaign against Afghanistan: 'Infinite Justice,'-- met with Muslim opposition, Mr. Bush obligingly changed the name. In the end no justice was meted out; the aggressors fled to friendly ground and went on with their lives. The ideological incoherence of the 'War on Terror:' the idea that Osama bin Laden and Saddam Hussein are the very same thing, inasmuch as "dey hate freedom,"-- has made 9/11 a cost-free victory for the Islamic fundamentalists. What they have learned is that, if they strike America, America will strike down their enemies. |
| Washington Irving Mohammed and His Successors |
"Narrated Anas: A group of people from 'Ukl (tribe) came to the Prophet and they were living with the people of As-Suffa, but they became ill as the climate of Medina did not suit them, so they said, "O Allah's Apostle! Provide us with milk." The Prophet said, I see no other way for you than to use the camels of Allah's Apostle." So they went and drank the milk and urine of the camels, (as medicine) and became healthy and fat. Then they killed the shepherd and took the camels away. When a help-seeker came to Allah's Apostle, he sent some men in their pursuit, and they were captured and brought before mid day. The Prophet ordered for some iron pieces to be made red hot, and their eyes were branded with them and their hands and feet were cut off and were not cauterized. Then they were put at a place called Al-Harra, and when they asked for water to drink they were not given till they died. (Abu Qilaba said, "Those people committed theft and murder and fought against Allah and His Apostle.")" (Sahih Bukhari, Volume 8, Book 82, Number 796.)
The eighth amendment to the U.S. Constitution bars "cruel and unusual" punishments, of which this is a good example. It's 'unusual' in that this was not the ordinary punishment for theft or murder. It's 'cruel' in that these people were not meant to die speedily, but slowly, with their wounds left uncauterized and water withheld.
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